The fight for territory

The fight for territory

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By Darío Aranda

Soy companies, pulp mills, open-pit mining, oil companies and five-star tourism expel indigenous peoples from their territories. By force of organization, indigenous communities resist evictions and begin to recover territories.

The golf course of the Llao Llao de Bariloche Hotel is one of the most exclusive in the country, with prices as unattainable as a five-star cabin in front of the Cerro de los Siete Colores de Humahuaca or a room with a view of the Iguazú National Park. In all three places, indigenous communities resist evictions from their ancestral territories and demand that their constitutional rights to live where they were born be respected. They are just a sample of the 397 cases that this newspaper reported in twelve provinces and that involve 8,653,490 hectares, an area similar to half the province of Córdoba, or three times Misiones or 425 times the City of Buenos Aires. Aboriginal territories are also haunted by the shifting of the agricultural frontier, monocultures of soybeans and pine, large-scale metal mining and oil companies. “The extractive model of‘ development ’, based on exploiting our natural resources, is looting the country, but it is also directly opposed to our way of life. For this model of looting, they need our territories, but we will not sit idly by ”, warn from the Mapuche-Tehuelche 11 de Octubre organization, from Chubut. The mapping, which only covers part of the total situations in the country, also reveals that conflicts multiply with the growth of indigenous and peasant organizations, and their consolidation as social actors in a dozen provinces.

Bilingual and intercultural education, health care (in addition to ancestral health) and participation in all matters that affect them -as stated in the National Constitution- are the historical rights and claims of the 24 indigenous peoples of Argentina, present in 19 provinces and that, according to the communities themselves, is around 1.5 million people (although the Indigenous Census of the Indec, highly questioned by the native peoples, showed a much lower number: 400 thousand people). But in the list of basic rights, the first is always the same: "Territory" (understood with the burden of customs, culture and history, and not as an economic good, that is why they do not use the term "land"). Recognized by the National Constitution, provincial constitutions, international agreements and, recently, by the UN.

The hyper-publicized “Benetton case”, which confronts the Mapuche couple Atilio Curiñanco and Rosa Rúa Nahuelquir with the European billionaires, with 565 hectares represents only 0.006 percent of the disputed lands in Argentina, according to the survey of this newspaper, which counted 397 cases and that have as sectors facing the indigenous peoples on one side and, on the other, a great arc made up of multinational mining companies, provincial and National states, private billionaires -although some less wealthy-, tourist entrepreneurs, pulp mills, companies soybean, national universities and, according to the communities, "a political and judicial system that disobeys the laws." The provinces with the greatest conflicts: Salta, Jujuy, Santiago del Estero, Misiones, Chaco, Neuquén, Río Negro and Chubut. Mendoza, La Pampa, Formosa and Buenos Aires also appear.

Mapuches in the Llao Llao

The Llao Llao hotel is located 30 kilometers from the center of Bariloche, between mountains and overlooking Lake Nahuel Huapi, the cheapest room is priced at $ 348 per night. On Saturday, September 15, he had an unexpected visit: the Takul-Chewke Mapuche community arrived in trucks, with materials and food, and began the construction of their cabin, just seven kilometers from the five-star rooms, one of the most coveted and expensive in Patagonia. "We come to recover 625 hectares that were stolen from our grandmother in 1951. We are part of this place, which now recovers its original inhabitants, who have not died and are still resisting," explained Ana María, Takul's granddaughter and spokeswoman for the community, made up of six families with 126 members. They are protected by the National Constitution, international conventions with constitutional status, national laws and even the municipal Organic Charter - recently approved - but they have already been denounced for "usurpation."

Only in Río Negro there are at least 20 land conflicts involving 106,150 hectares. If Neuquén and Chubut - always Mapuche-Tehuelche Pueblo - are included, the cases amount to 81, involving 199,245 hectares. “There are many more territorial disputes than those that reach the media or the courts. Impossible to estimate ”, remarked the lawyer from Chubut Eduardo Hualpa, specialized in indigenous law.

The counterparts: the State (national, provincial and municipal), the Army, farmers, tourism entrepreneurs, the hydrocarbon companies Chevron, Total Austral, Petrobras, Repsol-YPF, Energy Company, Pluspetrol, Apache Corporation, Petrolera Piedra del Aguila, TGS Transportadora de Gas del Sur, Petrolera Orion and Texaco. The mining companies Imausa, Ambar, IMA Explorations, Aquiline Resources, Meridian Gold and Andacollo Gold, among others, are also attempting evictions. A case from the unusual world was led by the American company Apache, when it brought the Lonko Purán community to trial because it prohibited them, through roadblocks and mobilizations, from entering their ancestral lands.

“Today's governments have the same ideology as those who attempted our extermination. They respond to the same interests that benefited from the appropriation of our territory. They generate political conditions and adapt the laws so that large economic groups appropriate strategic resources that are within our space. Water, oil and gold are just one example ”, remarked Chacho Liempe, a reference for the Indigenous Advisory Council (CAI) of Río Negro, which faces a dozen conflicts.

In addition, the concentration of land is accentuated and, increasingly, it generates clashes with Mapuche communities. As shown by a study by the Mesa Campesina del Norte Neuquino -based on official data-, it details that ten percent of the largest agricultural holdings in the province concentrate 92 percent of the productive lands, while 60 percent of the smallest producers represent only 0.6 percent of the provincial surface.

The indigenous communities of Patagonia envision another source of problems that will grow in the coming years: open-pit mining, which with large rock explosions, millions of liters of water and acidic soups (often with a polluting substance such as cyanide) they produce a cocktail accused of polluting air, soil and underground waters. In 2003, the city of Esquel, in Chubut, mobilized and organized a plebiscite for the citizens to decide what type of development they wanted: 81 percent voted against large-scale mining, personified in that case in the Meridian Gold company. "Mining is a purely extractive activity with multiple ramifications and consequences both on an economic, ecological, social and cultural scale. It is a proven fact that the mining regions of the world are initially advertised as rich regions and full of opportunities, but they end up being the most poor, "says a statement from the Assembly of Self-convened Neighbors of Río Negro.

After the plebiscite, the company opted for a lower profile, but did not abandon the project. In the region, there are nine undertakings in execution or advanced stage: Yacimiento Navidad (which generated a great conflict with indigenous communities in the center of Chubut), El Desquite, Calcatreu, Andacollo, Cerro Vanguardia, Manantial Espejo, San José-Huevos Verdes, Cerro Solo and Sierra Grande. "All of them are settled on indigenous or peasant territories with decades of possession," they affirmed from the Esquel Assembly. In addition, there are a dozen projects under exploration. "75 percent of Argentina is unexplored", they advertise from the Ministry of Mining of the Nation, inviting companies to settle in the 5,000 kilometers of mountain range.

“There is an advance of the large estates, of the hydrocarbon companies and very clearly of the mining companies, but in our rights there is no advance, whether they are Peronist or radical governments, there are no answers, we do not appear on their agendas. But we will continue to organize ourselves with three clear objectives: recognition as the Mapuche People, restitution of our ancestral territories and investigation into the historical process of how the State acted with the People, ”warned Mauro Millán, from the Mapuche-Tehuelche 11 de Octubre organization.

Mining, clearings and soy

Salta, Jujuy and Santiago account for at least 275 situations of territorial conflicts, involving 6,365,462 hectares. Salta counts 46 cases, with 1.3 million hectares that mainly affect the Guaraní, Wichí and Kolla peoples, although to a lesser extent also the Toba and Chané peoples. The advance on their spaces includes the native clearing for the planting of soybeans. In the period 2002-2006, 414,934 hectares ceased to exist in Salta, more than double that registered between 1998-2002, and whose deforestation rate exceeds the world average, according to data from the National Ministry of the Environment in its latest "Inventory National of Native Forests ”. At the country level, in the same period, 1,108,669 hectares of forests ceased to exist, 277 thousand hectares per year, which is equivalent to 760 per day, 32 hectares per hour. The same Secretariat remarks that deforestation occurs to allocate these areas to agriculture, mainly to the cultivation of soybeans.

In Salta, conflicts stand out in the lands surrounding National Route 86, in the north of the province, with historical disputes with sugar mills (San Martín, owned by the Seabord Corporation is the most resonant) and, in the south of the province, the Valles area. Calchaquíes, disputes occur with large farms (mostly vineyards) that acquire large tracts of land with historical occupants within. Mining activity also keeps the Cafayate and San Carlos area alert: in recent years, more than forty metalliferous prospects have taken place, mostly for gold, silver, copper and lead.

In Jujuy, the Kolla People are settled in the Quebrada and Puna area, mainly on public lands, and a minority of private domain. Meanwhile, the Guaraní People are located in the Jujeño Branch area where almost all of it is in the hands of individuals, except for two lots (1 and 515), which the Guaraní communities claim as their own but the provincial state has tendered to private parties. In the province, ten conflicts were revealed, involving two million hectares. Mining activity also stands out (Pirquitas, Minera Aguilar and gold panning on the Orosmayo River) and conflicts with tourism entrepreneurs, focused after Humahuaca was declared a World Heritage Site by UNESCO, which raised the prices of the place , with the consequent arrival of private owners of questioned property titles. “The provincial government encourages four productive poles: the sugar and tobacco industry, tourism and mining. All of them threaten our territories and our way of life ”, explained Ariel Méndez, from Red Puna.

Agribusinesses, with transgenic soy as their flagship, had a record harvest this year: 47 million tons, for an approximate amount of 15,000 million dollars. “The advance of the agro-export model brought innumerable legal conflicts to the families settled on the lands for decades. The climatic changes added to the technological advances made the old and forgotten Santiago lands a paradise for big businessmen. With soybeans, the lands became a precious asset ", explained from Mocase-Via Campesina, a member of the Indigenous Peasant National Movement (MNCI) and they point out:" If the rights of the ancient inhabitants of these lands were respected, this indiscriminate advance it would be very difficult to carry on. The complicity of a large part of the Judicial System, from its main actors to justice assistants, makes it impossible to objectively impart justice ”.

Santiago del Estero - with the presence of the Tonocoté, Vilela, Lule, Diaguita and Gauycurú peoples - heads the list of clearing: 515,228 hectares in the last four years, which means 71.61 percent more than between 1998 and 2002, according to Environment data. It is no coincidence that the Mocase, made up of 9,000 families that produce for subsistence, faces 212 conflicts throughout the province, all cases where indigenous people and peasants are denounced of usurpation of private property, threats, resistance to authority, disobedience, damage and forest theft. All "crimes committed" in the defendants' own ancestral possessions. The amount of land in conflict has a floor: three million hectares.

From the Indigenous Peasant Movement they emphasize that the main problem is not the lack of securitization of ancestral lands, "but the agricultural model, origin of evictions, repression and the impoverishment of the lands." They denounce the imposition of a model based on export and intensive production, with high inputs and that increasingly produces greater concentration. In Argentina, according to the latest agricultural census, ten percent of the largest so-called “agricultural holdings” concentrate 78 percent of the land, while 60 percent of the smallest farms share only five percent of the land. the arable area of ​​the country.

"The current agrarian model generates a lot of income in foreign currency, much of it remains in the hands of the landowners and a percentage remains with the Government through withholding taxes on exports. The agricultural elites promote it as a highly developed and efficient model, however the other side of this way of producing is the repression to evict peasants and indigenous people, a great pollution of the environment, high soil degradation, high external dependence due to inputs, and a great social debt since food production for Argentines is relegated and exports are prioritized, achieving a scant distribution of income, "they denounce from the MNCI.

Pasteras, pines and deaths

Misiones has three activities that conflict with indigenous, peasant and environmental communities: three cellulose plants (Puerto Piray, Papel Misionero and Alto Paraná), tourist ventures that advance on ancestral territories and two dams (one already built –-Yaciretá, in Corrientes , but that flooded areas in Posadas and forced massive relocations - and another planned, Corpus, which was rejected by 80 percent of the missionaries in a popular consultation, in 1996, but is still in the provincial government folder). From the hand of the shepherds also came the monoculture of pine (the raw material), logging, the concentration of land and, at the same time, conflicts with indigenous peoples and rural populations. Página / 12 counted fifteen cases in Misiones, involving almost 90 thousand hectares and have private counterparts, subsidiary sawmills of the paper mills, the provincial state and even the National University of La Plata, which holds a property title for 6,144 hectares, but where communities of the Mbya Guaraní People have lived for 150 years.

The history of land concentration in Misiones began in 1881, before it became a province, when its surface was distributed among 30 families. Between the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the State promoted the colonization of the south and center of the province. And for much of the last century it grew sheltered from agricultural activity: yerba mate, tea and tobacco. There were large plantations, but the small colonist also subsisted who, once harvested, commercialized his production. That history began to change three decades ago, and due to two factors: deregulation in production (the State gave way before large companies, the colonists first lost markets, then their farms and had to emigrate to urban cordons) and, therefore, On the other hand, the province changed the productive profile: it put aside the agricultural activity and promoted - with soft laws, tax relief and generous subsidies - forestry businesses: logging companies and pulp mills were the direct beneficiaries. Both activities reported for their effect on the environment, the working conditions of their workers and the eviction of ancestral inhabitants.

The last National Agricultural Census of the province confirms the concentration: there are 27,000 farms. Only 161 of them (0.6 percent of the total) own 44 percent of the land in Misiones (917,000 hectares). The same study affirms that, in the last decade and in the Alto Paraná area, the number of small farms decreased by 27 percent. “Artificial forestry production puts us in front of a monoculture and concentration model. With its logic of maximizing profit in the shortest possible time, the forestry sector does not respect the preservation rules, it causes depopulation of the areas and the extermination of a large part of the natural resources ”, they affirm from the Earth Forum.

Illustrative is the case of the Alto Paraná Paper Mill: owner of ten percent of the provincial land, 233 thousand hectares. An emblematic case is the municipality of Puerto Piray, where the company owns 62.5 percent of the land: of the 36,000 hectares of the municipality, the company owns 22,500.

Exactly a year ago, the Guarani missionaries had made the news for the death of children: in two months there had been fifteen deaths of the Mbya Guaraní people, out of a total population of four thousand people, which made infant mortality rise to record rates. They denounced as causes the absence of comprehensive aboriginal policy and, precisely, the lack of territories. “It is a daily tragedy that is intimately linked to the loss of land. It is not by chance that we began to die from the loss of our spaces at the hands of the loggers and paper mills. If there are 30 surviving families piled up on 30 hectares, you don't have to be a doctor to know that they won't be able to have food or the natural medicines that make up our way of life, ”explained Hilario Moreira, a member of the Mbya Guaraní Communities Organization (OCMG) , which groups 30 of the 75 aboriginal communities of Misiones. They also explained that the loss of their territories implied the abandonment of their cultural and productive practices and the modification of their community life, causing an abrupt change in their traditional eating habits, largely replaced by bags of food.

After the scandal over the deaths of the children, the Directorate of Guaraní Affairs (dependent on the provincial government) did not publish figures in this regard again. The communities say that two evils remain: the dispossession of their lands and the death of children.

Historic lawsuits, with greater conflict

The Landless Movement of Brazil (MST) calls "occupation" the organized action of settling families on unproductive farms. After evictions, the Indigenous Peasant Movement has been practicing “retakes” for years and has among its short-term objectives the “taking” of farms. The Mapuche people call "recovering" to return to live in their ancestral lands: Atilio Curiñanco and Rosa Rúa Nahuelquir recovered 565 hectares in the middle of the Benetton estancia. The Takul-Chewke Community recovered 625 hectares in the courtyard of the most luxurious hotel in Bariloche. The Indigenous Advisory Council (CAI) has already recovered 150 thousand hectares in Río Negro in recent years. “We have the decision to go recovering what legitimately belongs to us,” summarized Chacho Liempe, a Mapuche leader at CAI.

From the Group of Political Ecology, Community and Rights (Gepcyd) of the Gino Germani Institute they warn that, as well as the social conflict of the 1990s was mainly made visible by urban struggles, from the rural area organizations, communities and struggles that contribute old social actors, but now strengthened and raising historic demands.

Although with other words, from the ancestral territories they seem to coincide. “The looting occurs for natural resources, and there peasants, indigenous people and rural populations are organizing ourselves and we are giving this dispute. They have evicted us but we have retaken the field, simply by exercising the right. We have not waited for a judge to return the land to us. We have organized ourselves, we have gone and taken back the land ”, warn the Landless of Mendoza. In Patagonia, the Mapuche-Tehuelche of October 11 warn: “As we become aware of our rights and recover our history, we are going to multiply conflicts. It is a political and ideological proposal of a whole great sector of struggle that does not have partisan ties, that was not co-opted and that is going to recover what corresponds to it "

Chaco: Deforestation, soybeans and malnutrition

El Chaco was in the news in recent weeks for the death of at least fifteen people, from the Toba people, due to malnutrition and diseases preventable with primary health care. The three indigenous peoples of the province (Toba, Wichí and Mocoví) also link the deaths to the lack of land and clearing: only twelve conflicts surveyed involve 523,405 hectares, and have the provincial state as their counterpart.

Out of ten million hectares that the province has, it had 3.5 million fiscal hectares, almost entirely in the departments of Almirante Brown and Güemes, El Impenetrable Chaqueño. According to a study by the Multisectoral Forum for Earth, between 1995 and 2005, successive provincial governments sold (“using the creation of natural reserves as a screen”) 1.7 million hectares (49 percent of public lands). In the same period, data from the National Agricultural Census confirms the concentration: farms of more than 1,000 hectares represented eight percent of the total. In 2002, the sale of fiscal spaces through, came to represent 56 percent of the total, mostly for soybean planting. The Nelson Mandela Human Rights Center goes further: it denounces that there are only 490 thousand hectares of Chaco jungle left.

In addition to the concentration of land, the shifting of the agricultural frontier, the loss of native forests to the detriment of indigenous territories, the Chaco Forum highlights the “emptying of the countryside”: in the middle of the century the provincial rural population represented 70 percent, in 1991 it had fallen to 28.5 per cent, and in 2001 it was only 16.5 per cent.

Mendoza: Deny indigenous people and expel peasants

Mendoza is well known for its wines and its tourist attractions. But its indigenous and rural reality is not so widespread: 60 percent of the rural population is below the poverty line, 22.6 percent is indigent and 66 percent of the jobs are precarious. All according to the official survey "Living conditions of rural homes", of the Directorate of Economic Studies and Research (DEIE). In addition, until the late 1970s it was officially denied that indigenous peoples subsisted in the province. The official speech assured that the Huarpe people, who settled in what is now the capital city, had emigrated to Chile to the mining sites. It was not until the late 1990s that the State recognized the existence of Huarpes communities in the department of Lavalle, some 4,000 families that today are in dispute (precisely with the province) for 760 thousand hectares.

In recent years, Mendoza has also been added to the list of provinces where businessmen promote evictions of peasants and indigenous people with rights of possession. With almost 5,000 families with twenty-year possession, according to a survey by the Union of Landless Rural Workers (UST), there are conflicts in the north of the province (focused on the departments of Lavalle, Santa Rosa, Tupungato and San Martín) and from the Last year, violent evictions multiplied in the south (San Rafael, Alvear and Malargüe).

“The current exchange rate and the low withholdings on exports have revalued the price of land in Argentina. In addition, the ‘soy boom’ and forestry companies are displacing livestock from the Litoral and La Pampa to this province. Thus, the companies, where the mining companies are also, try by all means to appropriate land and water, buying, forging titles, usurping, and promising progress and employment that are lies, "explain the Landless of Mendoza.

In the report "A land for all", of the Argentine Episcopal Conference of 2006, it is noted that Mendoza is the main province in concentration of land: ten percent of agricultural holdings monopolize 96 percent of the provincial land. Added to this is the fact that, according to the 2002 National Agricultural Census, 50 percent of the properties with "irrigation rights" are abandoned or unproductive (only three percent of Mendoza's land has "irrigation rights" - water in sufficient quantity to develop agriculture-, legislated by a provincial law of 1884, when it was determined which areas would have water: those belonging to the large landowners of the time were benefited. In 123 years, this rule, and that irrigation area , were not modified).

“Eight out of ten families cannot produce because they do not have water. That is why we are pushing to retake unproductive farms, so that the peasants do not have to go to the city. Only in the last decade, 200 thousand families in the country suffered this fate, ”the organization highlights, which created a bill that declares the social function of the land.

In El Nihuil, a tourist area in the southern province (department of San Rafael), last January the repression began against fifty historical inhabitants of the place (all of them with possession over thirty years), almost 20 thousand hectares. The same methodology as in other provinces: businessmen presented themselves as owners, did not display titles and demanded that they leave the place. They began to wire fields, close roads and gates, cut water sources, and demanded that they regularly hand over animals as long as they did not leave the area (as payment for grazing rights). Ruperta Arenas de González, 78 years old and with five decades of life in the place, was the witness case: they destroyed her house, stole her furniture and killed animals. Her husband, "Don González", as everyone knew him, passed away . "He thought we had lost our land, and he died of grief," lamented the widow.


In Chaco only twelve cases were surveyed, with 523,405 hectares. Formosa two cases, with 70 thousand. Mendoza 13 cases (which include peasants of indigenous descent) per 1.1 million. Buenos Aires four cases, with 501 hectares. And La Pampa with two cases, involving 45 thousand hectares. Quantitative conflict mapping does not cover all existing cases. Furthermore, of the 397 cases surveyed, in 83 of them the amount of land could not be specified, so 8.6 million hectares is only one floor. In this regard, all those consulted (indigenous communities, lawyers specialized in the subject, land forums and multisectoral spaces) affirmed that there are between double and triple the number of cases that reach the media and courts (and that were the basis for this report). If the cases of provinces with a high indigenous presence (such as Santa Fe and Tucumán) are added, the data would be of a different magnitude, which would grow exponentially if peasant conflicts (many of them with indigenous ancestry) were added, where provinces such as Córdoba, San Luis, La Rioja, Formosa and Corrientes would contribute a large number of cases.

Laws that are not followed

Article 75, paragraph 17, of the National Constitution. Convention 169 of the International Labor Organization (which in Argentina has constitutional status). And provincial constitutions. These are just some of the laws that recognize the ethnic and cultural pre-existence of indigenous peoples, guarantee respect for their identity, the right to a bilingual and intercultural education, ensure participation in the management of natural resources and that recognize the possession and community ownership of the lands they traditionally occupy. "The laws are well read, but they are far from being complied with properly," warns Chacho Liempe, a Mapuche of the Indigenous Advisory Council.

On November 1, 2006, Congress passed Law 26,160, declaring for four years the "emergency in matters and ownership of the lands traditionally occupied by indigenous communities." The norm suspends evictions and commits the State to carry out a technical, legal and cadastral survey to grant the definitive tenure of ancestrally occupied lands. “La ley es un piso para el derecho de los pueblos indígenas, pero hay dos cuestiones de aplicabilidad: el Gobierno debiera difundir la ley y capacitar a los jueces para que la apliquen. Eso no se está realizando y perjudica directamente a las comunidades. Por otro lado, el relevamiento catastral está muy atrasado, ya se perdió casi un año. Y esa es otra gran falla del Gobierno, en este caso personificado en el Instituto Nacional de Asuntos Indígenas (INAI)”, explicó el abogado Julio García, especializado en derecho indígena.


Adrián Moyano, Asociación Amigos del Aborigen, Asociación Ranquel Willi kalkin, Censo Nacional Agropecuario, Chris Van Dam, Comunidad Epu Bafkeh, Comunidad Lonko Purán, Comunidad Takul-Chewke, Comunidad Unidas del Molinos (CUM), Consejo Asesor Indígena (CAI), Eduardo Hualpa, Elena Picasso, Encuentro Calchaquí, Endepa, Enrique Alejandro Oyharzabal Castro, Federación India, Fogón Andino, Foro de la Tierra de Misiones, Foro Salteño por la Tierra, Gajat, Foro Multisectorial por la Tierra del Chaco, Grupo de Ecología Política, Comunidad y Derechos ( Gepcyd), Gustavo Macayo, Incupo, Indymedia Argentina (Pueblos Originarios), Julio García, JUM, Mesa Campesina del Norte Neuquino, Mesa de Tierras de Santa Fe, Movimiento Campesino de Santiago del Estero – Vía Campesina (Mocase-VC), Movimiento Malut, Movimiento Nacional Campesino Indígenas (MNCI), No a la Mina (Esquel), Observatorio de Tierras del Chaco, Organización de Comunidades Mbya Guaraní (OCMG), Organización Mapuche-Tehulche 11 de Octubre, Radio Alas (El Bolsón), Raúl Gorriti, Red Agroforestal del Chaco, Red de Comunicación Indígena (RCI), Red Puna, Rodrigo Solá, Unión de Trabajadores Rurales Sin Tierra (UST), Vasco Baigorri y archivo personal.

Video: Sepultura - Territory OFFICIAL VIDEO (June 2022).


  1. Akinocage

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    You the abstract man

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  5. Charley

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