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Some reflections on the genocide of Argentine society

Some reflections on the genocide of Argentine society


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Implemented by De La Rua - Cavallo management

"The lucid vision of the darkest situation is already in itself an act of optimism: it implies in fact that this situation is thinkable, that is to say that we are not lost in it as in a dark forest and that we can, on the contrary, tear ourselves away at least for the spirit, to hold it under our gaze and thus overcome it now and make our resolutions in front of it, even when those resolutions are desperate. "

Jean-Paul Sartre, What is literature ?, Paris, 1948.-

INTRODUCTION:

The present collaboration is above all the result, first affective-suffered and then affective-active-affirmative, of what provoked in us the announcement of the last, but not final, adjustment of the De la Rúa? Horse. Our first theoretical intention is, therefore, the framework of the dynamics that give rise to these measures, of themselves in their implementation, and of the social, political, monetary and economic results within the conjunctural framework in which they arise as a political decision. of the current management.

However, the conceptualizing effort that we have carried out sheds more clarity on the Argentine socio-political and economic dynamics since the 1970s in particular, giving the different periods (military dictatorship. Democratization-menemism) a new long-term rationality that underpins and in turn validates our hypotheses and conclusions, as we will try to explain. This is the local level of analysis that allows us to carry out the theoretical interface with the processes of globalized capitalism in its EMPIRE stage.

And this, because our local elites and their political representations have systematically, since the seventies, designed and implemented in stages a project that today comes to light, to our understanding, with complete clarity. This design consists of, locally, moving from a certain state of NO SOCIETY, due to its constitutive fragilities as a peripheral industrializing social formation, to a state of ZERO SOCIETY, according to the deficit program. zero recently implemented.

Globally, this aberrant capitalist design of the dominant classes and Argentine concentrated capital shows that our country has been a leader in the implementation of mediated political and social disaggregation processes? although not only? by neoliberal policies that, behind the myth of the so-called globalization and the adjustment policies whose last generation we analyze here, ultimately refer to an? empire? of capitalism that calls into question the very relevance, from now on, of the very name of capitalist to characterize the mode of production.

We want to say with this that more than a new phase or difference of degree in the world accumulation of capital, we can witness a change of nature in the so-called capitalism, something that, on the other hand, those who denominate, like Toni Negri, Empire to the current phase, or from other areas, such as his own in recent articles,? Civilizational crisis ?. In other words, in this work hypotheses are deployed that far exceed the strict effort to conceptualize the zero deficit program due to their theoretical potential.

It is possible through it, we think, to feed the hypothesis that Argentina is a postcard of the future of a capitalism that has abandoned all global political and economic rationality, ceasing to be, as it was intended since Adam Smith gave it literary form, a project of society, or, more strictly, a MODE OF SOCIALIZATION. We base this affirmation on the fact that, in our opinion, the different analyzes of the left in the political or of the Marxist critical cut in the theoretical, have dismissed the constitutive and constitutive relevance that for capitalism as a mode of socialization has the element? Legitimacy politics? and as a socialization agent.

PRELIMINARIES:

In a fairly reasonable capitalist country, if reason can assist in the exploitation, alignment and violence that constitute capitalism, the State has certain functions that can be grouped into two areas:

· Those related to the dynamic, intensive and balanced reproduction of the capitalist social relationship, that is, of the system of domination.

· Those inherent to the search for consensus, arbitration and minimum social commitments that ensure political legitimacy to the system that allows hiding the trait of violence that is constitutive of the capitalist State.

That is, capitalism has historically been a dialectic between the excessive desire for profit of entrepreneurs, rentiers and financiers, the regulations that the State, as an ideal collective capitalist, that is, endowed with a global rationality that individual capitals naturally ignore, in order to reconcile this desire for exploitation with political legitimacy and, dominating these intra-capitalist imbalances and these consensual wills of the States, it has had to establish the class struggle.

Class struggle that has allowed the proletariat to make successive conquests, until the end of the seventies of the 20th century, and for capital to intensify its technological accumulation due to the same confrontation with the workers that led it to replace them with machinery and technology. The class struggle, in this sense, has been, although extremely costly for the working class, virtuous on at least two levels. On the one hand, it has allowed the capitalist intensification of the accumulation process through internal coercion that makes clear the antagonism between the struggle for wages and working conditions and the rate of profit, which leads the capitalist in particular and capital in general to intensify the substitution of capital for labor.

On the other hand, and nothing less than the desire for systemic regulated reproduction of the mode of production, the class struggle has allowed the increasing institutionalization of its union and social conquests, thus endowing the system with the levels of political legitimacy that are constitutively indispensable. and generating, on the other hand, levels of social regulation through the distributive mechanisms of income that flow from it, which allowed capitalism the unprecedented growth in rates, in political legitimacy and in the intensity of accumulation that were registered in the beautiful thirty years (1945-1975) for the developed world. It is in this sense that we will argue that the Argentine capitalist evolution in particular and global in general have obstructed this capacity of the class struggle to be virtuous to capital through the mechanisms of expansion of the aggregate demand of the wage society and of the possibility of a wage society itself, which is an indispensable condition insofar as capitalism wants to consider itself as a project of society and as a mode of socialization.

THESIS OF THE GENOCIDE STATE OF LA RUA-CAVALLO:

According to the aforementioned preliminaries, it is the function of the State to guarantee a series of development strategies, social functions, job security, education, social security, etc. The model installed by the dictatorship and its economic and political constituencies, perfected by the Menemism during the 1990s and continued by the Alliance, does not respect these prerequisites that no liberal would seriously dare to question. In this sense, beyond the phenomenal forms of the privatization processes inspired by neoliberalism, the Argentine case is paradigmatic and almost a postcard of the future of the capitalist evolution since the first and original privatization has been THE PRIVATIZATION OF THE POLITICAL. We understand this as that the politics of capitalism is completely absorbed by the commands of the EMPIRE and the so-called markets, as Toni Negri and Michael Hardt point out in their work EMPIRE.

It is in this sense that we said that in a certain way, from the seventies and the beginning of the policies of financial, exchange and commercial deregulation, the virtuous effect that for capitalism, paradoxically nothing, had had the social and commercial struggles is inhibited. of classes. The privatization of politics in the Argentine case during the Menemism, possible due to the disintegrating nature that the military process imprinted in the social and economic terms and that the dawn of democracy did not know how to retrace, that is, the fact that capitalism it folds back the totality of the political. In this way, the formal, discrete and differentiated sphere of the political, which in capitalism had allowed the illusion of democracy and formal equalities in matters of law, all this is withdrawn by capital on itself, in Argentina in an early way although extremely crude in particular, and global capitalism in general. That is why the crisis of the system, class and political representation in Argentina occurs in advance with respect to what would become its future throughout the capitalist world. To processes like this one refers the first fraudulent presidential election in the? Mother? of Western democracies, as was the case with the election of Bush Jr. in the United States, as well as these dynamics must refer to the fall of all democratic veil in the face of the recent repressive events during the G-8 meeting in Genoa.

To try to round out this idea a bit, which nevertheless should remain open throughout the analysis as its founding hypothesis and which, we believe, sheds new light on the dictatorship of the seventies, the Alphonsinist weaknesses and the aberration of Menemism in the nineties , after the radical oppositional movements of capitalism in French May 68 and operative movementism (Cordobazo in Argentina in the sixties, operative autonomism in the hot Italian autumn in the seventies, to cite just a few examples), in short, after that level of radicality in the struggle, capital in its form of social relationship and its political representative, the State, are privatized, atomized concentratedly and decide that the game is over. That the festival of Fordism, of social conquests, of collective agreements, in short of the right in which the political, social and union struggles had crystallized since the 19th century, is over.

It is surprising in this sense how the ruling classes in Argentina, as well as their repressive powers and political agents anticipate this political decision to end politics as it had been understood until then. We believe that this provides a different possible key to understanding both the military dictatorship and the monetary, neoliberal and deregulation policies that the Reagan and Thatcher governments inaugurated in the late seventies and early eighties. It is this withdrawal of politics on the so-called markets, a euphemism that hides the new and diffuse forms of concentrated global power, which determines the dynamics in which the various processes of economic adjustment are installed in Argentina and in capitalism in general, and whose expression and last generation we can now re-analyze.

In keeping with what we were saying about the functions of the capitalist state at the beginning of this chapter, the design of fiscal budgets of all kinds, nature, and jurisdiction must be done outside of fiscal revenue designs. Then, once the levels of total public spending have been established, the income necessary to fulfill the functions of the liberal and capitalist State is decanted. Certainly within the limits of reasonableness: a modernizing and minimally equitable development strategy, basic social needs and provisions that guarantee social reproduction and those that social and union struggles have historically determined as forms incorporated into law. Nothing more, but nothing less. The tax system in particular and the tax system in general must meet these levels of spending. All this, obviously within a capitalist systemic context that worked until the so-called political decision of the seventies in the sense that? The party is over ?. What the Argentine case demonstrates is that with this decision of the individual capitalists, mediated by the governments of the day and tolerated by an alert civil society, WHAT IS OVER IS SOCIETY.

BECAUSE IT IS NOT THE COLLECTION THAT DETERMINES THE SPENDING, BUT THE STRATEGIC, SCIENTIFIC, SOCIAL AND PENSIONAL SPENDING WHICH DETERMINES THE LEVEL OF NECESSARY PUBLIC RESOURCES. IT HAPPENS THAT UNDER THE CAVALLO-DE LA RUA SCHEME FIRST THE FIRST? WHAT DETERMINES THE EXPENDITURE IS THE NEW ORDER OF THE GLOBAL IMPERIAL POWER, OR BE IT, THE PAYMENT OF INTEREST FOR THE EXTERNAL DEBT. IMPERIAL POWER IN ITS MOST BASTARD FORM, SINCE IT IS THAT OF FINANCIAL CAPITAL. MONEY AS MERCHANDISE EVACUATED FROM SOCIALIZATION, FROM POLITICS, UNLESS THE CURRENCY IS UNDERSTOOD AS PRIVATE FROM AND PRIVATIZED BY THE POLITICAL OF THIS NEW EMPIRE CAPITALISM.

It thus happens that, paradoxically, currency, which was from its beginnings when it was created by the nascent Nation-States, the political merchandise par excellence, becomes, in the hands of the so-called markets, the merchandise of depoliticization, of the transfiguration of the former national sovereignties, the commodity of de-socialization. That is why, by beginning with financial deregulation in the late 1970s, Reagan does much more than? Restore freedom to the markets ?, what he does is unleash the most atomized, most irrational, less political fraction of capitalism . On those initial incipient atoms, the real transformations desired by the most concentrated capitals that decided to short-circuit the class struggle, begin the systematic destruction of formal bourgeois law and alienate governments, increasingly corrupt and unrepresentative, from any desire for political legitimacy in the future will ride. which to base the economic policies demanded by the new global power in the process of constitution.

All this happens, we insist, as the reasoning framework of a capitalist state begins to expire, which resists analytical devices in terms of Marxist state theory until the so-called German debate on the derivation of the state, theoretically, and in general terms. what with respect to the evolution of capitalism until the end of the seventies, politically. It happens that from that moment on and as a reaction of individual capitalists to the frontal questioning of the sixties and seventies, the analytical categories of the State, wage labor and wage society, among others, will undergo a brutal transformation not of degree but of nature. due to the aforementioned reaction of individual capitalists beginning in the late 1970s. And it could not have been otherwise since those movements no longer expect anything from the bourgeois liberal state formal representative of the general welfare, on the contrary, their own CONSTITUENT POWER as multitudes in affirmative action is the denial of the presuppositions of sovereignty, of contract, delegation and institution itself of the Capitalist State.

As well as the social movements of those years? And what do we see being reborn renewed and recreationally at the moment in the misnamed anti-globalization capitalist movements? no? they go for the state? in the old revolutionary style but rather that? its affirmation is the denial of the State ?, the same happens at the level of the autonomist movements that do not go, according to the traditional logic of the class struggle, for? wages and working conditions? but rather that their affirmative struggle is the? very negation of wage labor and the libertarian reappropriation of work? from the same imaginary in which social movements go for life and not for the goods that the postwar welfare state helps to procure. There is a vital simultaneity in the claim of both forms of libertarian expression, which is the firm action for the sake of the reappropriation of life, or BIOPOLITICS, as Foucault and Negri will call it.

HYPOTHESIS:

Returning to the local and current scenario, in Argentina of the postmenemism of the Ruista we have four classes of currencies and with four corresponding classes of citizenship, in the best style of the Nazi political-repressive and capitalist hierarchies for what is the currency that the privileged hold , and with stars of different colors according to the degree of exclusion of the population.

Strong in the repressive, fascist sense: THE VIOLENCE OF THE CURRENCY. This is not an antagonistic model, that was in the seventies; This is not a model of distributive bidding, that was in the eighties; This is not a model atomizing in the social and dissolving in the political, that was Menemism. THIS IS A MODEL OF GENOCIDE TO WHICH THE TERMS LIBERAL, CAPITALIST AND REPRESSIVE ARE SHORT.

In a society that is politically and institutionally consolidated in the liberal manner, there can only be one currency, since the currency is the most eminent symbol of the political as a crystallization of a political and monetary sovereignty of the State that is effective in presenting itself fetishically as the representative of the good. common and guarantor of the general welfare. Therefore, the explosion of currencies of diverse nature, strength and reliability is a symptom of political disaggregation and social dissolution. In this sense, the outbreak of the Argentine currency, already seriously mortgaged since Cavallo's convertibility plan in the 1990s, is the manifestation of a political model of peripheral capitalist socialization, at least for the Argentine case, but which we believe anticipates developments for others. contemporary social formations in line with the monopolization of? the political? on the part of the EMPIRE and the globalized power and command networks that we previously cited as the power's response to the questions of alternative radicality mentioned with respect to three decades ago and today recreated by the neoliberal anti-globalization movements from Seattle to Genoa.

Before advancing in the classification of currencies and forms of affiliation, disaffiliation in the future or social exclusion, there is a quick objection regarding the hyperinflationary process experienced by our country in the late eighties and early nineties. This will make it possible to clarify, in our opinion, the sinister connection between the current monetary outbreak with its correlate of social dissolution and the economic and social processes of the dictatorship and the Alphonsinist experience, to demonstrate the radical functionality of the current adjustment to that genocidal project. First of all, we must minimally clarify certain concepts regarding hyperinflation, which will force us to go back rudely to the 1940s to understand the genealogy of this process. First of all the concept.

As we have said and has been brilliantly treated by Michel Aglietta in? The violence of the currency ?, the currency is not only a sign of value, the currency in a capitalist and wage society (that is, it ensures its social cohesion dynamically speaking through the massive and inclusive provision of employment) is the most eminent symbol of the political. It is the common representation, it is the SAME POSSIBILITY OF A COMMON, OF A? SOCIAL ?. That is why a hyperinflationary situation is always a symptom of a political crisis and of class alliances and class fractions and is experienced by society as a total THREAT OF DEATH. Hyperinflation dissolves the common, explodes the public and the social (at least in its capitalist formality) in an unstoppable infinity of private individuals that compete violently with each other to assert their private private currencies over the rest, while the currency that suffers the hyperinflationary and violent attack is owned by the least protected, by those most dependent on the public.

We said that hyperinflation is the emergence of a political crisis, and, indeed, in the Argentine case its unleashing was the consequence of the aberrant concentration of economic power installed from the military process and the participation in local decision-making of the capitalist powers. , from international agencies such as the World Bank and the IMF and the financial operators no longer corresponded to the degree of aspiration even in Alfonsin's times of political and monetary sovereignty. Therefore, a political crisis of the greatest magnitude had to be provoked, which would allow a transfer of political and monetary sovereignty such as that sought by concentrated local capital, internationalized capital, and foreign banks and their agents. In other words, the austral had to be destroyed, as the last mockery of sovereignty and society.

It is in this sense that hyperinflationary episodes are the logical consequence of the processes unleashed in the Seventies, because they put society in the face of the threat of its total destruction, which places it politically speaking in a state of stupor that allows it to accept any political solution to the crisis other than the threat of death. Any exit from hyperinflation is a political resolution to a crisis and is phenomenalized through the crystallization of new alliances of classes and sectors. The particularity of the exit from hyper-Argentina is that the Menemism manages that exit from the crisis with the sectors that bet on the destruction of the public and that demand as a currency the virtual destruction of the State in matters of political sovereignty and monetary autonomy . These sectors are those that hold the strong currency, the dollar, that is, the export sectors of agricultural or industrial commodities, part of the national bank, foreign banks, creditor countries and institutions, and transnational companies. But these sectors agree on the way out of the crisis on the condition that the new peso has a fixed guarantee in dollars. That's where Cavallo comes in with his Convertibility Plan.

In retrospect, the convertibility plan is one of extreme political ingenuity. It allows to install the illusion that one peso is equal to one dollar so that society accepts the successive conditions and adjustments, privatizations and expropriations of what it had historically achieved thanks to its still fear of the hyperinflationary crisis. The weight thus appears during the nineties fetishized behind a law originating from a state itself emptied of sovereignty. But the peso had to be sustained as long as the economy needed for the global local economic powers to adjust their positions, while behind zero inflation, infinite violence and solvent atomization secretly settled in the country. Was the model unfeasible for ten years? not to say forty, as we will clarify later. but there was a single currency called the peso and it was fetishized and illusively strong while every source of profit unthinkable in the rest of the world was scrapped and while the so-called markets financed their own reproduction at dynamically increasing rates and of unbeatable profitability. UNTIL THE TIME COMES FOR THE EXPLODATION OF THE WEIGHT IN THE EXPLODATION OF DIFFERENT COINS.

Until, in other words, the much-feared social death during hyperinflation ended up becoming a reality during a decade of zero inflation, in such a way that the dramatized scenarios of the hyper-eighties ended up being a parody of the reality of disaggregation social and political that is currently emerging in Argentine society. The coherence of the interests represented by Cavallo, whom the representatives of our people have voted for extraordinary powers and whom the so-called President of the Nation placed as super minister is much stronger, more sinister and genocidal than much of what has been said so far. Your presence at the Central Bank? coincidentally the institution responsible for monetary administration? With the process, his call to foreign interests to cut financing to catalyze the end of the spring plan and unleash the hyper that the powers wanted? coincidentally also monetary management? and your convertibility plan? monetary policy decision if any? now converge in the explosion of the currency, of the social, of the public. They place society in front of the reckless scenario from which it paid all social and political prices during the Menemism to escape. Only this time they are not images on t.v., they are the reality of the genocide carried out for three decades. If it were not because Cavallo is a mere representative of interests to which he sold his soul, and his people, it could be said that he is of a typical psychotic ingenuity.

But before addressing the degrade typifications of currencies and citizenships, we just said three decades, and before that, when we hinted at a genealogy of hyperinflation we go back to the 1940s and in turn what follows will clarify, we hope, the concept anticipated in the introduction about NON-SOCIETY, which, as it will be seen, is politically regrettable, but less perverse than that of the ZERO SOCIETY that the De la Rua duo want to impose on us today? Cavallo. Very briefly and crudely stated, it could be said that during the 1940s the change in the economic accumulation regime from the agro-export economy to the nascent industry was not a success. The Argentina of 1880-1940 was not fair, but it was dynamically speaking efficient from the strict guidelines of an accumulation regime. The Argentina of 1940 in most wanted to be fair for times, but the State of the forties failed in its attempt at industrializing revolution "from the top", something that did not happen to the Brazilian, Chilean or Mexican states.

The reasons for this failure exceed us both in the thematic limits of this collaboration and in our competences, but it is a fact that the set of State / industrial bourgeoisie / unions / rest of civil society did not create a set but just at least efficient dynamically powerful, modernizing, capitalistically intensive and globally inserted in accordance with the developments of the international division of labor. IT IS IN THIS SENSE THAT WE SAY THAT A NON-SOCIETY IS CREATED FROM THE DECAY OF THE AGROEXPORTER MODEL.

This NON-SOCIETY tries, due to improvisations of successive governments, union lethargy and lack of Schumpeterian spirit of its economic sectors, all this under a blanket of passivity on the part of society in general, many times promoted by repressive authoritarianism, tries then , through different macroeconomic devices (postwar trade surpluses, initial surplus of social security, inflation, foreign debt, foreign debt, among others) to postpone its unviability, in strictly capitalist terms of peripheral formal democracy. This? Debt? of the society that explodes in hyperinflation is nothing other than the debt of Argentine society to itself, as a capitalist social formation with democratic and welfare state pretensions. And that debt is a symptom of a deep political crisis, a crisis that from a certain moment will be unpostponable. There then the emergence of the greatest political emergency, hyperinflation as the dissolution of the currency that heralds the dissolution of the social. We leave it to history and public judgment whether the only way out of such a social crisis was, as Alfonsín, Menem, De la Rua and Cavallo instructed in their times and movements, not to mention the responsibilities of the UCR, the PJ , of the Alliance and of the left and intellectuals, including us, was the only one possible.

We believe not, and it is what seems to be affirmed from multiple and varied sectors and places of social resistance, which express with an unprecedented vitality and worthy of the greatest respect, respect for social life, the perseverance of society in its being. These multitudes are the ones that do not appear in the plans of the EMPIRE powers, local-global, but they are emerging despite the blackmail, the dissolving atomization in violence, the fetishization and the deceit suffered during a decade. Not to mention the previous ones. Now to the issue that takes us so long.

THE FOUR COINS:

From De la Rua's zero deficit adjustment? Cavallo necessarily settles in Argentina the realization of the project started with the economic dictatorship. In this case it will be social or economic disappearances, privileged belongings NO LONGER TO A SOCIAL BODY BUT TO THE EMPIRE. As the empire knows no center or periphery, the place it occupies is independent of the country, although obviously ours does not have the upper hand in terms of favored population. BUT THIS IS VERY IMPORTANT, GIVEN THIS STATE OF THINGS, BELONGING IS NO LONGER IN TERMS OF NATION BUT OF GLOBAL IMPERIAL SYSTEM.

This is not politically irrelevant since, as we will see, the only bearers of a radically alternative political project are the excluded and the alliances that develop within the degraded categories of citizenship. Now let's go to the coins:

  1. THE DOLLAR, WHICH IS HELD BY CAPITALS AND CONCENTRATED AND GLOBALIZED SOCIAL GROUPS AND WHICH HAVE A GUARANTEE OF THE UNITED STATES FEDERAL RESERVE, BECAUSE ITS POSSESSION NO LONGER DEPENDS ON THE RESERVES OF THE CENTRAL BANK. ESTAS CLASES DESENTENTIDAS DEL DEVENIR NACIONAL ESTÁN GLOBALIZADAS Y NO SE PREOCUPAN POR LA CONVERTIBILIDAD. LA FUNCIÓN POLÍTICA Y SOCIAL DE LA CONVERTIBILIDAD QUE FUE FETICHIZAR LAS RELACIONES SOCIALES HASTA ESTE MOMENTO DEJA DE SER RELEVANTE Y NO DEBIERAN SORPRENDERNOS DEVALUACIONES DEL PESO O MULTIPLICACIÓN DE BONOS BASURA, LO QUE REMITE A LO MISMO.
  2. LOS BONOS DE LA DEUDA PÚBLICA DETENTADOS POR LOS LLAMADOS MERCADOS, ES DECIR ESPECULADORES PRIVADOS, ENTIDADES FINANCIERAS LOCALES Y EXTRANJERAS, AFJP Y OPERADORES INSTITUCIONALES Y DIVERSOS. A ELLOS, SE LES GARANTIZA CERTEZA Y USURARIA RENTABILIDAD DESDE EL ÚLTIMO AJUSTE DE DE LA RUA-CAVALLO COMO PRIORIDAD INCUESTIONABLE. SON LOS QUE OCUPAN UN LUGAR PRIVILEGIADO EN LA CONFIGURACIÓN SOCIO-POLÍTICA DEL IMPERIO.
  3. EL PESO ARGENTINO PARA LAS CLASES MEDIAS MEDIAS Y BAJAS EMPOBRECIDAS CUYOS INGRESOS SON EN PARTE EN PESOS GARANTIZADOS POR UN BANCO CENTRAL CUYA CONVERTIBILIDAD DURARÁ LO QUE DURE EL DESGUACE Y EL RESTO CON LA MONEDA CUARTA, EN BONOS BASURA O MENORES INGRESOS PARA TRABAJADORES Y JUBILADOS, A PARTE DE RECORTE EN LAS PRESTACIONES SOCIALES.
  4. LOS BONOS BASURA QUE EMPIEZAN A FLORECER PARA LOS INCLUIDOS EN EL MUNDO DEL TRABAJO PRECARIZADO, EN NEGRO, ETC PERO NO TODAVÍA EXCLUIDOS. Y ALGUNOS PESOS EN VÍA DE DEVALUACIÓN UNA VEZ ASEGURADOS LOS CAMBIOS PARA LAS DEUDAS EN DÓLARES DE LA PRIMERA CLASE DE CIUDADANÍA.

LAS CUATRO CIUDADANÍAS:

  1. LOS PRIVILEGIADOS LOCALES-GLOBALES DETENTORES DE DÓLARES GLOBALIZADOS, ÉLITES MUNDIALIZADAS Y CUADROS JERÁRQUICOS DE GRANDES CORPORACIONES. ESTOS POSEEDORES DE LA MONEDA FUERTE DEL IMPERIO DEFINEN SU PERTENENCIA A LA CIUDADANÍA GLOBAL Y ESTÁN DIVORCIADOS DEL DEVENIR DE LA SOCIALIZACIÓN LOCAL. AÚN MÁS, SU PERTENENCIA EN TÉRMINOS DINÁMICOS A LA CIUDADANÍA IMPERIAL SE NUTRE DE LA PROFUNDIZACIÓN DEL PROCESO DE DESAGREGACIÓN NACIONAL. LA GENEALOGÍA DE ESTA CORRELACIÓN SE REMONTA A LA SALIDA DE CRISIS HIPERINFLACIONARIA DE LOS NOVENTA Y A LA IMPLEMENTACIÓN DEL PLAN DE CONVERTIBILIDAD DURANTE EL MENEMISMO, DONDE ESTABA CLARO QUE LOS DETENTORES DE MONEDA FUERTE ? EXPORTADORES DE COMMODITIES, EMPRESAS PRIVATIZADAS, AFJP Y SISTEMA FINANCIERO GLOBALIZADO CONSTITUÍAN EL NÚCLEO DEL NUEVO RÉGIMEN DE ACUMULACIÓN ARGENTINA FUNDADO EN LAS ALIANZAS QUE PERMITIERON LA SALIDA DE LA HIPERINFLACIÓN.
  2. LOS REASEGURADOS LOCALES-GLOBALES POR EL ÚLTIMO AJUSTE YA QUE EL PAGO DE SUS TÍTULOS ES EL OBJETIVO PRIMERO DE LA RECAUDACIONES DEL FISCO. ESTOS TAMBIÉN, COMO LA CATEGORÍA ANTERIOR, GOZAN DE LA CIUDADANÍA GLOBAL, CON LA DIFERENCIA EN CUANTO A LOS PROCESOS DINÁMICOS DE INTEGRACIÓN A ELLA RESPECTO DEL GRUPO ANTERIOR, DE QUE EN ESTE CASO PARA QUE ESOS BONOS SEAN SUSTITUTOS CAUSI-PERFECTOS DE MONEDA FUERTE SE TIENEN QUE ASEGURAR EN EL ORDEN GEOPOLÍTICO PROCESOS DE PÉRDIDA DE SOBERANÍA TERRITORIAL Y DE DESAGREGACIÓN DE LA NACIÓN EN CONSONANCIA CON EL ?PLAN COLOMBIA? O LA INSTALACIÓN DE BASES DE CONTROL MISILÍSTICO U OTROS DE ORIGEN NORTEAMERICANO EN NUESTRO PAÍS, COMO YA ACONSEJAN LOS GURÚES DEL ESTABLISHMENT INTERNACIONAL. ELLO ES ASÍ YA QUE ESTA INCLUSIÓN DE LA ARGENTINA EN EL SISTEMA DE DEFENSA Y DE OCUPACIÓN TERRITORIAL POR PARTE DE LOS ESTADOS UNIDOS ES LO ÚNICO QUE DA GARANTÍA DE QUE ESOS BONOS DE LA DEUDA EXTERNA ARGENTINA COTICEN A VALORES RENTABLES PARA LOS ESPECULADORES FINANCIEROS Y ASEGUREN EL RECICLAJE DE LA DEUDA MÁS ALLÁ DE LA INVIABILIDAD DE HECHO DE SU PAGO A CORTO, MEDIANO Y LARGO PLAZO.
  3. LOS MIGRANTES HACIA LA DESAFILIACIÓN SOCIAL PASANDO POR EL SUBEMPLEO Y PRECARIZACIÓN, O SEA LAS CLASES MEDIAS MEDIAS Y BAJAS TRADICIONALES CON ESTRELLA AMARILLA QUE SEÑALA PELIGRO DE EXCLUSIÓN. LA FRAGILIDAD DE SU CONSISTENCIA CIUDADANA ES CORRELATIVA A LA FRAGILIDAD DEL PESO ARGENTINO QUE LOS TIENE COMO DETENTORES MIENTRAS SE PROFUNDIZA EL SISTEMA DE CONCENTRACIÓN ECONÓMICA Y FINANCIERA DEL PODER Y DE LAS DOS MONEDAS FUERTES ? DÓLARES Y BONOS DE LA DEUDA EXTERNA -. EL PESO ES SÓLO ASÍ UNA MONEDA DE TRANSICIÓN HASTA EL MOMENTO EN QUE ESTOS GRUPOS SOCIALES ADQUIERAN FINALMENTE EL STATUS DEGRADADO QUE ESTÁ DESTINADO A LA MONEDA QUE POSEEN Y QUE SE IRÁ DETERIORANDO A MEDIDA QUE SE PERFECCIONEN LOS INSTRUMENTOS DE DOMINACIÓN DEL IMPERIO Y SE PROFUNDICE EL DETERIORO DEL SISTEMA DEMOCRÁTICO FORMAL HASTA ESTOS PROCESOS CONOCIDO EN EL PAÍS.
  4. LOS YA INSTALADOS EN LA DESAFILIACIÓN PAULATINA A MEDIDA QUE SE ASEGURA LA CERTIDUMBRE DE LOS DOS PRIMEROS GRUPOS Y LA TRANSICIÓN DESAFILIADORA DEL GRUPO ANTERIOR. ESTRELLA ROJA QUE INDICA PELIGRO DE NO REPRODUCCIÓN DEL GRUPO SOCIAL. LOS DETENTORES DE ESTA FORMA MENOS VALORIZADA DE MONEDA CORRELATIVA A LA FORMA MÁS DETERIORADA DE CIUDADANÍA DENTRO DEL RÉGIMEN DOMINANTE ? YA QUE EXCLUÍMOS AQUÍ RADICAL Y ALTERNATIVAMENTE A LA QUINTA CIUDADANÍA SOBRE LA CUAL NOS EXTENDEREMOS A CONTINUACIÓN ? SON VIRTUALMENTE EXPULSADOS DEL RÉGIMEN DE SOCIALIZACIÓN EN DISOLUCIÓN CON EL ÚNICO LÍMITE QUE ESTABLECE EL EJÉRCITO DE RESERVA NECESARIO A LA PROVISIÓN DE MANO DE OBRA PRECARIZADA SALARIAL Y LABORALMENTE SEGÚN LAS NECESIDADES QUE LA NUEVA DIVISIÓN INTERNACIONAL DEL PODER Y DE LA ACUMULACIÓN DEL IMPERIO DESTINEN A LA ARGENTINA.

LA QUINTA MONEDA Y EL CARÁCTER GERMINAL, RADICAL Y ALTERNATIVO AL SISTEMA DOMINANTE:

LA QUINTA CIUDADANÍA:

5. LOS DESHECHADOS DEL SISTEMA, PIQUETEROS, DESOCUPADOS, EXCLUIDOS, DISCRIMINADOS, ASENTAMIENTOS, MOVIMIENTOS CAMPESINOS, POBLACIONES INDÍGENAS. ESTRELLA NEGRA SEGÚN LOS PRONÓSTICOS DE LOS GURÚES. CIELO POR ASALTO SEGÚN LA PERSEVERANCIA DE LA VIDA, LA LIBERTAD Y LA DIGNIDAD. ESTAS ÚLTIMAS SON SUS MONEDAS, QUE NO INCLUIMOS EN LA CLASIFICACIÓN ANTERIOR PORQUE PERTENECEN A UN NUEVO IMAGINARIO POLÍTICO Y SOCIAL Y NO A UN RÉGIMEN DECADENTE.

Los procesos sociales impresos por estas políticas no se juzgan estática sino dinámicamente. Al privilegiar el pago de la deuda externa por sobre la deuda social y desarrollista, la Alianza apuesta no al DÉFICIT CERO. ESO ES UNA FALACIA. SIEMPRE HABRÁ DÉFICIT SI NO CAMBIAMOS ESTE RÉGIMEN POLÍTICO PORQUE ELLO ES NECESARIO AL CHANTAJE PARA BAJAR AÚN MÁS LOS INGRESOS DE LOS SECTORES MEDIOS Y BAJOS Y PORQUE ES EL ARGUMENTO DEL RIESGO PAÍS.

NO HABRÁ DÉFICIT CERO. ELLO NO ES FUNCIONAL AL MODELO DE ?SOCIEDAD CERO?, DE DESTRUCCIÓN DE LA NACIÓN. Y SOCIEDAD CERO ES GENOCIDIO. Y DESTRUCCIÓN DE LA NACIÓN ES TRAICIÓN A LA PATRIA.


Video: Remembering Argentinas Dictatorship: History as Social Conflict. BadEmpanada (June 2022).


Comments:

  1. Zach

    You responded quickly ...

  2. Laird

    It's a pity that the blog was abandoned ...

  3. Peada

    In it something is. Many thanks for the help in this matter. I did not know this.

  4. Kolby

    This great idea will come in handy.



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